Q1.  How does holding a socialist feminist  perspective affect how you would  approach the issues that arise as candidates? Not just in your approach to issues immediately impacting women, such as abortion, but more generally in your vision of a socialist society. 

 

A1. Intersectional socialist feminism has always been at the core of my political philosophy as well as foundational to the Socialist Party USA. I’m delighted to see more people asking questions like this, as despite our party’s history as a socialist  feminist organization, we still face significant challenges in achieving gender equality and there is so much more the left can do to dismantle patriarchy. There are still those on the left, unfortunately, who acknowledge the contradictions and counter-productive nature of bourgeois feminism without fighting for socialist feminism. Liberal feminists will always take credit for the things grassroots  movements of far-left feminists fought for and won, while doing nothing to substantially build on these gains unless forced. Democrats will coerce those who care about these issues to vote for them by claiming (and ensuring) they are constantly under threat, and while we can’t change the fact that liberals do this, I see no benefit in leftists ceding feminism to Liberals, much less letting this narrative go unchallenged.  

One limitation of defining people solely in terms of their relationship to capital is the silent implication of ‘worker’ as an adult doing wage labor for an employer.  While this does make a clear, and vital distinction between the working and owning classes, unless they have some form of class consciousness already, at best, most Americans won’t see themselves as ‘workers’ until they’re at least fourteen, and this interpretation ignores the reality of those already most alienated by political struggle: people who exist at multiple intersections of oppression. For example, the disproportionate amount of unpaid work women are tasked with, including most domestic/caretaking work, is deemphasized, if not invisible- not to mention other forms of work outside over the table wage labor: sex work, prison labor, piecemeal or gig work, child labor, and other forms of exploitation that absolutely encompasses working class oppression, even if those who face it don’t see themselves as workers.

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The severe lack of class consciousness in the US is WHY we will never succeed without building a movement with an understanding of the intersectional nature of oppression under capitalism: because lack of class consciousness makes class solidarity impossible. Aside from those who only know oppression based on the fact that they are working class, most Americans view their oppression in terms of identities other than class. The other intersections of oppression are better understood, are more foundational to who they are and their lived experiences, and they have known and practiced solidarity with the people closest to them who face the same struggles: whether it be because of their race, gender, immigration status, as these communities are much better defined and integral to their identity, something they’ve grappled with for their entire lives.

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While all workers are exploited under capitalism, the way they are exploited is heavily dependent on other identities as well. The majority of working adults in the US are women, and women also do the majority of work, when all labor (paid and unpaid) is tallied. Women are exploited in unique ways under capitalism as well, and the right is quick to scapegoat women in the work place, rejection of traditional gender roles and acceptance of non-binary and trans gender identities to deflect from any criticism of capitalism itself, as leftists we need to counter this narrative at every turn in a way that acknowledges the wide variety of ways capitalism exploits and divides the working class.

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This year I was part of a panel at the National Organizing conference that described the need for intersectional socialist feminism, rather than the left allowing the owning class to warp feminism into an ideology that maintains, rather than challenges, the status quo. Americans, and even leftists have become accustomed to many anti-feminist arguments, so often based on lies, bigotry, and made in ignorance or bad faith. This has led to leftists who fully reject any analysis or struggle that isn’t based on class, readily ceding the fight for gender equality and the word feminism itself to liberals, as if the problem with liberal feminism is the feminism, not the liberalism.

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While the best liberals can offer is a world where women take an equal part in oppressing the working-class, fascists can’t even begin to address the problems of patriarchy: as they are staunchly in support of it! Fascism can only build popular support for their disgusting ideas by presenting twisted versions of the left’s answers to these important issues. Fascism seeks to replace class consciousness with ultra nationalism, offering solutions, albeit contradictory ones based on bigotry, for the contradictions of capitalism, and protecting the ruling class by keeping the working class divided. But they are not able to corrupt our dedication to liberation from white supremacy and patriarchy, as support of these hierarchies is foundational to fascism as we know it. Intersectional socialist feminism at the core of our party not only helps us build a diverse movement that truly represents the working class, it also makes it that much more cumbersome for the far right to steal and manipulate our arguments to fit their brand of far-right populism.

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Feminism, for socialists, should be a source of strength, not shame. It is something that benefits all the working class, that addresses the ways gender stereotypes and gender oppression hurt all of us. Only intersectional socialist feminism offers real, class-conscious solutions and a path to liberation from white supremacy, patriarchy, and capitalism as well as a blueprint for a society free from these forms of ignorance and oppression.

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To anyone who faces marginalization due to their gender identity and wants to learn more about intersectional socialist feminism I encourage them to get active in the Women’s Commission of the Socialist Party USA.

 

Q2. How do we bring the war in the Ukraine to an end? One of the issues underlying the conflict is the possibility of the Ukraine joining NATO, as well as the inclusion of former Soviet bloc countries into NATO. What is your stance on this issue? In general, what should be a socialist approach to NATO?

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A2. I feel if we stop arming Ukraine and stop trying to push NATO into Ukraine, it will force Ukraine to the negotiating table and will represent a credible commitment on the part of the west to general security, rather than security at Russia’s expense. I am not in any sense of the word an apologist for Putin. That said, I can also understand how our insistence that Ukraine be a puppet state for the west and a full member of NATO would make Russia feel insecure. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is not a result of Putin being a psychotic dictator, nor is it the response to something that just happened in like 2021. It is the result of a centuries’ long threat that Russia has felt from the west, and is a relic of Soviet-era foreign policy, which said that Russia needs a buffer state from aggression from the west. In moving into Ukraine, NATO more or less confirms for Russia everything it has feared, and so they invade to forestall that. We, in the US need to abandon the Neo-Liberal World Order, commit to dealing with Russia as it is, and stop constantly threatening Russia with hostile states on their borders. Then Russia might get to resolving its problems. A socialist approach to NATO would be to withdraw the US from NATO, as NATO is an offensive military alliance, and Socialists are opposed to those things which promote war.

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Q3. We learned 2024 is the warmest year on record globally. The Paris Agreement states “the increase in the global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre industrial levels” and pursue efforts “to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels.” What realistic efforts do you propose to reach this Agreement during your 4-year administration?

 

A3. Climate change is a global crisis, one that can only be fully addressed through a deliberate and cooperative global effort. It is also a challenge that capitalism is incapable of addressing, and the Paris agreement is one of many failures of neoliberal capitalism to limit the damage of climate change, much less make progress in this regard.

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There may be debate on policy specifics, but luckily there is little debate among experts on either the cause of or the best solutions to climate change: that is, capitalism has environmental only escalated problems, and our only Ecosocialism, not the false promises and outright scams of so-called ‘green capitalism’ which are ineffective, if not counterproductive.

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The challenges we face are currently well within our power to change. There are many brilliant people better qualified than me to outline the best climate policies, and elected leaders who care about this issue should take their advice. For anyone interested in learning more about policy specifics, the SP-USA platform is a great place to start, and to those looking to learn more or to be involved in this conversation and climate action, I would suggest joining the Socialist Party USA’s Ecosocialism Working Group.

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For many years, I have said that once the effects of climate change become undeniable, we will see the narrative switch from one of denialism to one of inevitability. This may be the greatest obstacle for young people: in becoming aware of our powerlessness, we risk being pummeled into submission by hopelessness. While it is true one person working alone has little ability to halt the progress of climate change, it is important to remember we are NOT alone, and working together we CAN change things: in fact, it is how change benefiting the working class has always been accomplished. If you wan\t to help work toward this change, joining the Socialist Party USA is a great place to start, no matter where you are in your journey.

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The platform of the Socialist Party USA doesn’t just offer a comprehensive plan for mitigating the worst aspects of climate change, protecting those who face the brunt of its effects, and liberation from all types of systemic oppression. It also represents one way to build a sustainable, peaceful future for all. What political ideology, other than socialism, can offer this? In the darkest of times, it is even more important to have people working to keep this hope alive, fostering solidarity and peace rather than hatred and violence. Our current situation under late-stage capitalism in the heart of imperialism may seem bleak, both politically and in regards to climate change; but, depending on what we build in its place, it is the owning class, not the working class that need to mourn the passing of the status quo, and our future is entirely dependent on what we build in place of this failed system that does not and has never served working people. With or without us, these questions will continue to demand answers. Capitalism is unsustainable, the question is not when it will die, rather the question is if we will allow it to take us with it when it does.

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Q4. Scientists say we must end our dependency on fossil fuels. How would your administration meet this challenge?

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A4. Current US policy focuses on ‘energy independence’, decreasing our reliance on imports of fossil fuels and expanding domestic capacity and production. This is another example of the deception involved in the way our leaders speak about US policy, energy independence may sound appealing, especially when you consider our closeness with the government of Saudi Arabia. In reality, ‘energy independence’ is just a euphemism for a set of policies that protect the profits of fossil fuel companies at the expense of everything and everyone, polluting critical habitats and watersheds with fracking, drilling, mining, and oil pipelines.

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It is possible to transition to renewable, sustainable energy sources in our lifetime. One way my personal politics differ from the parties is in nuclear power. I have a deep respect for anti-nuclear activists, and do not trust any for-profit system to safely manage and regulate nuclear power plants and the storage of nuclear waste. It is my personal belief that the urgency of our need to transition away from fossil fuels justifies the use of Thorium reactors, where other renewable sources of energy are not available, cost effective, dependable enough or feasible. However, as a representative of the Socialist Party USA I would not support legislation or policy proposals that go against our platform, as I feel my duty to accurately and consistently represent the platform of the party far outweighs my opinion on this matter.

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Q5. How would you use the powers of the presidency to empower the working class?

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A5. I’m answering this question under the assumption that the SP-USA has fairly won the presidential election, and thus has a major level of public support, though it is unlikely that the ruling class would allow such a presidential ticket to take power. Seizing the means of production, putting them under democratic control of the workers within them, nationalizing every major industry, including the financial sector and for-profit healthcare, agriculture, and housing industries is the best way to do this. The Supreme Court would be a focus for me, as it is obvious that far-right conservative groups have a strangle hold on the court and have been using it to pass incredibly unpopular legislation. To counter this, we must pack the court with Justices that will rule fairly and without bias in a way that benefits the powerless over the powerful to the greatest extent they are able.

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To be frank, we should ask ourselves why the working class would trust us with power if we have not yet shown what we’d be able to do with it? Campaigning on popular issues is one thing, enacting them is quite another. We will never vote socialism into being, at least not under our current system, which serves the purpose of manufacturing consent more than delegating power to true representatives of the people. This doesn’t mean electoral politics are of no use to us as a tool. We can use campaigns to raise alternative viewpoints and issues never covered by the parties of capitalism, and elected positions to demonstrate the contradictions within our current political system. While it is possible to pass some reforms that benefit working-class people, engaging in electoralism without careful strategy tends to work in the service of the owning classes and those in positions of wealth and privilege, or to tamp down dissent, redirect revolutionary action into reform and/or inspire faith in a broken system. Here in Minneapolis, a handful of elected SP-USA members were able to enact more change in their roles than the DFL (the Democratic party in MN) was able to achieve despite controlling the levers of political power for years. I don’t doubt that there are some local DFL volunteers as well as candidates who are dedicated to public service and legitimately care about their communities; but the system itself is an obstacle to meaningful change, without corporate funding for their campaigns, a politician isn’t likely to get their campaign off the ground or be re-elected. The current system of electoral politics under capitalism, including the presidency, is merely a tool to build class consciousness, not the way to achieve lasting change.

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We cannot bring about real and lasting change with half measures, reforms, welfare programs that work within rather than against the wage slavery system: we need to seize power and give it directly to the working class. Obviously, this isn’t something one politician, even a presidential ticket, can achieve alone. Our current system can’t be reformed into an egalitarian one, we must work to build institutions that don’t have their foundations in maintaining capitalism, wage labor, white supremacy, patriarchy, and the division of the working class against itself.

 

Ultimately, it isn’t up to me to say how this new world will look, I’m one small voice in determining and achieving this.

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Q6. What are some ways in which the capitalist political establishment would attempt to undermine a socialist president?

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A6. Naturally, they would use their stooges in the Federal Government to resist a socialist President’s efforts to help working people. A President can’t pass his or her own laws— while they have some limited ability in how laws are executed, they usually have to wait for the legislature to write and pass a law before they can sign it. Given that the Legislature is completely captured by the capitalist political establishment, it is very easy for capitalists to dictate the law to the Congress. They can also use the courts who will always side with the propertied class to invalidate anything the Socialist actually does accomplish. Furthermore, the corporate press would run constant and vicious propaganda to sway the population to oppose the efforts of a Socialist President. The capitalist political establishment uses election laws to prevent socialists from even running for office in most places. It would be naïve to assume that capitalists won’t be able to easily buy off whole segments of the working class to actively work to undermine the progress of Socialism, attack other workers, and continue to sell out their own class interests because they identify with the interests of their masters over their own. Given all the structural hurdles, Socialism is impossible without revolution aimed at abolishing capitalism and the liberal political regime designed to protect capitalism, before we can even begin working on actually establishing socialism. 

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Q7. What are some things socialists can do to maintain political engagement after Election Day and organize effectively over the next four years?

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A7. First, we should address how so much anger has been misdirected to target the most marginalized, and work to reflect this anger back at those in power. In other words, we need to direct attention away from the culture war that the parties of capitalism have fixated on and into a class war that holds those who have power accountable. It isn’t that reproductive rights, immigration, and trans rights aren’t critical issues: they certainly are. But working people have been duped into blaming the powerless for the actions of the powerful. The working class has been divided against itself by a form of liberal feminism that has no class consciousness and thus offers no hope for true liberation of all working people. We need to demonstrate that trans people and migrants having basic human rights isn’t the reason working people are scraping by; capitalism and the wealth inequality it causes is.

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Next, we need to address how so much of our political energy is twisted into serving the ruling class. This DNC we saw delegates plugging their ears as protesters read the names of Palestinian children killed using our tax dollars because of a US foreign policy passed and supported by their own party. We saw a complete failure to acknowledge, even in the most toothless of ways, these crimes against humanity and any concern for the human rights of Palestinians.

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Is this what harm reduction looks like: endorsing and defending an ethnic cleansing committed by an apartheid state in both word and deed? Brutally punishing those who protest for peace? A joint session of US Congress giving Netanyahu fifty-eight standing ovations? Sending thoughts and prayers to Gaza alongside our bombs and bullets? Pointing the finger at corporate greed in a platform written by corporate lobbyists in a campaign funded by corporate donations? Bragging about all the bipartisan agreements Democrats have forged in cooperation with the GOP, the same GOP they claim is the biggest threat to liberal democracy in America, a threat they insist only the Democrats can defeat? Condemning the ‘divisiveness’ of the left yet supporting decades of privatization and austerity and pandering to the right to the point that the Overton window has shifted far enough that Christian Nationalism is now a mainstream position?

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The parties of capitalism offer no hope of lasting change that helps working people. No doubt they will continue to promise it, all while serving their corporate masters; but ‘fascism tomorrow, not today’ isn’t a political message that is going to inspire massive amounts of people to the polls and, unless the far-right populism that has seized control of so much America has a legitimate foil in the far left, we will continue to drift to the right.

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Lastly, we have to be honest about the threat of political apathy and people losing faith in the role democracy, real democracy, has in building a better world. The dissatisfaction of Americans with their political system is clear and justified; but there is a real danger, much like climate defeatism and we will lose if we succumb to political defeatism. A working-class person claiming ‘democracy doesn’t work’ is music to the ears of the fascist; we must show that it is possible to build a truly democratic political system that represents working class people, rather than ceding power to tyrants. We must be clear that our current system is not true democracy and that a better future is possible, but this can only be achieved by the working-class seizing power, not ceding all power to autocrats.

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Q8. How would the foreign policy of a socialist administration look?

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A8. Socialist foreign policy is aimed at peace. How do we do this? Well, first of all, we forego a leading role in international relations. In the US, we start by cutting the defense budget by ninety percent. This involves closing bases, cashiering most of the standing military, cancelling weapons contracts and ending all contracts with the Private Sector. With the peace dividend, we make a serious commitment to veterans’ affairs, including healthcare, job training, and crisis intervention and then return the rest of the money to the general fund. In international institutions, we join agreements that allow us to cooperate with the nations of the world in constructive peace and human advancement efforts, leave NATO and leave the UN Security Council. We stop supporting regimes that are conducting human rights violations and environmental destruction, and we end all support for undemocratic governments around the world, without regard to their ideology. We immediately and unilaterally decommission our nuclear weapons capabilities, our CIA and the WTO and IMF. In short, a Peace oriented policy places the US next to other countries in the world, as an equal, rather than as a super power. We end our support for war makers, we abandon intervention as a foreign policy option, and we deny ourselves the tools we have previously abused to pressure other nations to come to heel. We do not compromise on this commitment to peace, not for any reason.

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Q9. What does a successful socialist political campaign require?

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A9. A successful socialist political campaign requires the active support of the membership of the party; however that bears itself out. While I can say we did have committed volunteers on our campaign, it was not enough. Many times, we asked for help from Party members, and few were willing to participate. In some cases, Party members actively worked against the campaign, because they did not personally agree with the idea of having a campaign. Other times, some would have wanted to help but never did because they were too busy with life. We ourselves were trying to juggle work, family, and campaign, because, unlike the better funded parties, we couldn’t afford to take a year off to run for office— we are workers and we are parents and we are humans and paying the rent is far more imperative than flying to another city when there may or may not be anything waiting for us there when we get there. Getting additional volunteers for specific events, like petitioning, was always a challenge. While some Comrades donated significant sums of money to the campaign, we need more money to be able to hire local coordinators and petition collectors. All limitations aside, we always said a successful campaign would help build the Party, get the message about socialism out to more people, and get people active in their communities. All things considered, I would say we can judge ourselves to be successful as a campaign, and we even got onto the ballot in this country.

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Q10. How can we use this election to grow the Socialist Party USA?

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A10. Part of our effort has been to tell people what the Socialist Party USA stands for. Our campaign’s platform was based on the SPUSA’s platform—all statements we made as a campaign referred to the SP’s platform, and whenever we have appeared in interviews and podcasts, we talked about the SP’s platform. We have constantly striven to talk about the Party’s principles, and tie those principles into the struggles that people are working on in our society. We have always encouraged people to join the Party to continue this fight for socialism. The election is a perfect opportunity to find people who are paying attention, and to find new folks who are now thinking about their options, to encourage them to consider looking at and joining our Party. We have that advantage during election years that does not exist between elections.